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Ex-Queen Naomi and beheaded skulls in mògún shrine – Festus Adedayo

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OLORI NAOMI SILEKUNOLA

Festus Adedayo

In my piece of last week, I made a tangential reference to the place of African magic in modern matters. It was in the discussion of the calamity that befell Nigeria a few days to Christmas. Ibadan, the capital city of the Yoruba, had taken a sizeable chunk of the tragedy. Thirty five persons, the bulk of whom were kids, had been trampled to death in a stampede. The dead and a crowd estimated to be about ten thousand, had heeded the invitation to attend a funfair where freebies, which included the sum of N5000, would be shared per attendee. Three persons were arrested and charged before an Ibadan magistrate court on account of the deaths. They were Naomi Silekunola, an ex-Queen of the Ooni of Ife, Oba Enitan Ogunwusi, Ojaja I1; Oriyomi Hamzat, a popular radio owner, and presenter and principal of the school that served as venue for the event.

Since the Queen’s somersault from the pinnacle of grace to the nadir of sharing smelly, dingy cell with ordinary criminals in the Agodi Correctional Centre, subtle, muffled and repressed thoughts have variously been expressed about what could have transpired. Questions asked range from, could there be a causal link between the fate of ex-Queen Naomi and her abandoned Queendom? Or, is it a reinforcement of the historical Yoruba wise-saying of fatalism, which says that among the innumerable beheaded skulls quartered in Mògún, the ones belonging to unjustly beheaded ones were many (Orí yéye ní Mògún, ìpín àìsè l’ó pò)?

The truth is, as products of their past, many Africans still reason with the mindset of their genes. Over a century after the white man and Arabs brought Christianity and Islam to Africa, though they substantially succeeded in fumigating Africa’s mindset of magic and occult practices, they left a hugely syncretic Africa. Like Gabriel Okara painted in his poem, Piano and Drums, Africa carries its piano – a symbol of the Whiteman’s modernity – with his right hand, and holds fervently to his drum – symbolising traditional Africa – with his left. In a world where science is king and defines every stratum of our existence, there is a great push towards voiding the power of metaphysics, the foundation upon which the drum, which Africa holds tightly by its left hand, rests.

In a December 2021 Instagram post, Queen Naomi unilaterally announced her divorce from the Ooni. After “bless(ing) the Lord almighty for His faithfulness in the last three years of my marriage,” Naomi revealed that she “endure(d).. to make (the marriage) work” as she, “many times… smiled through the struggle.” Finally, the Queen revealed that she was “moving on,” stating that, “today, I announce the beginning of a new dawn and the close of a chapter. Today, I am a mother to God’s unique gift. I am no longer a slave to my thoughts of perfection. I, at this moment, announce that I shall no longer be referred to as wife to the Ooni of Ife or as Queen of Ile-Ife but as the Queen of the people and mother of my adorable prince.” Were the gods of Ile-Ife happy at that gloat over their king? Since then, she had indeed moved on. Once in a while, she advertised her sultry beauty on social media and her Christianity. It was akin to the conquest smile of a conquistador. It was believed that the decision of the Ooni to embark on a serial acquisition of wives thereafter was a response to the subtle disgrace he suffered at the hands of a wife who divorced him on social media.

Today, Africa scarcely sees with the eye of Africa but with the eye of western science, data and computer. So, the question is, is there any science to African magic? Or put differently, is there magic? Is there sorcery? Can our forefathers, whose systems of beliefs were woven around this corpus of knowledge of incantations, magic, sorcery, and the synergy between spirit and man for many centuries, be said to be ignoramuses? These were the same people who were credited with the great arts and science of carvings and bronze. The Benin Bronze sculptures, brilliantly and elaborately chiselled from metal and wood, became ornaments that white colonialists stole and kept in antiquities. Cast in plaques, commemorative heads, animal and human figures, ornaments, pieces of royal regalia, they adorned western museums until rescued and returned to Africa. The Nok people, now known to inhabit the northern and central part of Nigeria, existed from roughly 900 BCE to 200 CE. In their science and arts, they worked on iron to make terracotta sculptures. In the Alaafin palace of Oyo, a drainage system built over a century exists which till today, drains rainfall in a twinkle of an eye, no matter its volume.

As brilliant as our forefathers were, they also engaged in the barbaric practices of human sacrifices, cannibalism, witchcraft and money rituals. They believed in the centrality of spiritual beings and their relationship with the spirit world. This spirit world was believed by them to be responsible for happiness, protection, material wealth and health. They also believed that any dislocation from the spirit world led to sickness, barrenness, death, among others. It was probably why they engaged in human rituals. A scholar once explained that, in human body parts rituals, the soul of the sacrificed victim is sent on an errand to the supra-physical realm. There, the soul engages in the laborious exercise of harvesting wealth for the usage of the victimiser.

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In 1970s Nigeria, parents sternly warned their wards to avoid being alone in desolate places. It was the period when that caustic-mouthed Yoruba Apala songster, Late Fatai Olowonyo, released the vinyl that bore that iconic track entitled L’áyée Gbómogbómo (In this world of kidnappers). Padding the song up with his rhythmic acoustic guitar sound that literally sent dancers into gymnastic fits, Olowonyo warned, especially the young ones, to avoid lone-walking as kidnappers luxuriated in lonely places. When they grabbed their victims, he warned, such victims honked like trapped mice. “L’áyé gbómo-gbómo, ìwo nìkàn má se dá rìn mó, bí wón bá kì ó mó’lè l’ábé àgbàdo, wàá sì má dún fín ín bí omo eku…” he sang.

I first came in contact with the epistemological body of knowledge of African magic in my pre-teen years. I lived with my parents in a town called Ikirun, in today’s Osun State. There was this highly dreaded spiritualist called Baba Iyanda Aladokun. It was not possible to live in Ikirun without a sniff of the whiff of Aladokun’s spiritual prowess. His magical powers were legendary. For seven years, boy Aladokun was said to have been declared missing, allegedly carried away by whirlwind called Àjà, only to surface thereafter. His known speciality was in the spiritual healing of mentally-challenged patients. He was my late father’s older friend. My father and I frequented his house almost every Saturday.

Aladokun’s house was usually filled to the brim with all manner of patients. Dark, pot-bellied and most times wearing agbádá, Baba Aladokun sat cupped up in a corner of his herbal hospice, welcoming oncoming people afar off with his cryptic, “e wèé” – greetings which a pre-teen boy like me smothered the urge to laugh at. Many of the patients were brought to his herbal sanatorium from several lands away. Some were Igbo as well. When his patients were in the twilight of recuperating, Aladokun loaned them to farmers like my father to work on their farms for fees. The farmers in turn gave him reports of the perceived level of the patients’ sanity. On the farm, armed with cutlasses and hoes, my father would ask that we gave the recuperating patients some distance, lest they return to status quo ante and feasted their weapons on us. My father however engaged them in dialogues which were most times intelligible.

My father told me the story of how one of Aladokun’s daughters’ pregnancy was once disowned by the man who impregnated her. The case was taken to the Ikirun police station. Aladokun appeared where his daughter and the man were, with the police. He promptly, with the sign of his hand, inter-placed the baby from his daughter’s stomach into the man’s. The man immediately appeared with an advanced pregnancy. There and then, he held his daughter’s hand, headed home with her and told the police he had no case against the man any longer. On another occasion, he had asked his daughter to go buy soft drinks for waiting guests. Uncomfortable with her long stay getting the drinks purchased, Aladokun merely fiddled with the wind and on his palms were the soft drinks which he placed before the guests. The daughter merely came back and handed him the remainder of the money.

A few years after, Baba Aladokun was embroiled in allegation of human body parts rituals. The police criminal investigation department (CID) had received reports that the herbalist had veered into human body parts rituals. A female police detective who pretended to be mentally deranged was seconded to his sanatorium. In the course of simulating mental derangement, she reportedly witnessed the herbalist pounding the body of a newly born baby in a mortar which was then garnished with black soap and other accoutrements. Baba Aladokun was subsequently arrested, remanded in the Ilesa prisons and later released for want of evidence. I remember my father used to go pay him visits in the prison. Not long after, specifically in 1984, one of the old herbalist’s mentally ill patients suddenly ran amok and beheaded him right inside his sanatorium.

African kings, no matter their erstwhile religious backgrounds, are believed to be beneficiaries and inheritors of a system of African medicine, sorcery, magic and witchcraftcy which dates centuries. The late Alaafin of Oyo, Oba Lamidi Adeyemi, once let me into some of the details. For instance, a traditional DNA system exists in the Oyo palace which ensured that bastards cannot be brought into the palace as princes and princesses. In the palaces of many Yoruba towns are believed to be headquartered witches whose powers help the monarchy to fight its battles. This is most times unsolicited. Ile-Ife is said to parade several deities whose priests, at cock-crow, as custom, are expected to rain curses on the Ooni’s enemies and bless those who wish him well. Many people, however, believe that all these are a mythic system that has kept palaces fortified from invaders and evildoers.

So, when a 31-year-old woman, who set out to favour the less-privileged in a fun fair, suddenly landed in one of the most notoriously famous prisons around, a few days after this noble effort, to what do we put that: happenstance, fate; normal encounter of man or spiritual recompense for openly disgracing a foremost king in Yorubaland on the social media? In the wake of the calamity, the Ooni palace masterfully disconnected the monarchy from her travails, and de-linked her and her actions from the palace, while subtly empathising with her.

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Some people have also argued that the fates of Naomi and Oriyomi Hamzat can be compared to the historical Yoruba wise-saying that depicts fatalism. It is a philosophical school which subjugates all actions, events and occurrences to fate or destiny. The history behind the wise-saying is that, in ancient days, Mògún was where persons accused of committing heinous crimes were incarcerated. Once the king was persuaded of their guilt, he ordered their beheading right inside Mògún, which makes the prison a place where hordes of skulls were kept. However, many of them were victims of petty conspiracies who never committed the crime they were accused of.

So, the saying goes that, of the innumerable heads quartered in Mògún, the ones belonging to unjustly beheaded ones were many (Orí yéye ní Mògún, ìpín àìsè l’ó pò). Today, prisons across the world are Mògún which house just persons unjustly incarcerated. Many have also died unjustifiably, either from the supple hands of the law or the coarse brunt of lawlessness. On June 16, 1944, for instance, 14-year-old George Stinney was executed in the electric chair of Columbia, America. He was accused of having killed two white girls who earlier approached him and his sister while playing in their yard to ask where they could find flowers. The bodies of the girls were later found the following morning. Seventy years later, a South Carolina judge held that Stinney could not have murdered the two girls. He vacated the conviction. So, are Queen Naomi and Hamzat victims of this ancient fatalism?

As we approach the New Year, I pray we will not be victims of an unjust world; now, in the new year and all through our sojourn on this divide.

Nigerians in Súàrá Sòbó bus

I have been asked severally what my opinion was on last week’s presidential media chat. First, I must commend the presidency for hosting the chat, though belatedly after 19 months of holding back. When the people hear directly from their leaders and not from third parties they didn’t elect, it affords them the opportunity of psycho-analysing the man at the helm of affairs, match his gestures with policies and project what the leadership’s future strides will be.

It was also gladsome to see the president radiating warmth, confidence and mastery of his craft. He appeared to have learned the ropes of a limitless presidential powers. He must have warmed himself up to the behemoth powers at his disposal, next to God’s. You could see this as he exuded confidence in himself and his office. Unlike the pre-and early Bola Tinubu presidency optics we had, the president appeared physically stable and in better health. I was glad to see stability as he raised his hands in gesticulation. We thank God for presidential health mercies.

As they say, the divide between confidence and arrogance, much as it is as long as the Zambezi River, could be paper-thin as well. Though clothed in a cloak of confidence, the Bola Tinubu I saw in that interview wore arrogance on his lapel. Beneath that, you could see a God mentality. I didn’t hear anywhere throughout the interview where the president accepted that he was human, capable of frailties and wrongs. I saw King Herod and the clowns of power shouting “This is the voice of God, not man!” The tax bills were chiselled straight from the stone plate of Moses, he seemed to have said. They are irreversible. And to the north which thought it had him by the balls, like the man who knows tomorrow, the president proclaimed that he would live till 2027, go through the presidential election and win. He would not probe military top brass whose fat stomachs and fat epaulettes are euphemisms for the toads of wars – apologies to Eddie Iroh – which they have become from filching Nigeria’s wealth in an endless war. He didn’t err when, pounced upon by the Herodian spirit, he pronounced that “subsidy was gone,” he said. While Nigerians die in droves from hunger, the president literally clinked wine glasses for being the greatest reformist in human history.

When I heard the president compare his reform to a woman going through the pangs of labour – “and the child may die” – but at the end of the birth, everybody is happy, the mentality that drives the president came out vividly to me like the first flick of a movie in a dark cinema. I saw a heart scarred and scorched like the sand dunes of the desert. I didn’t see blood flowing through the veins at all. Immediately I understood. The political furnace has forged in the smithy a stone statue devoid of feelings.

Nigeria of the 1950s and early 1960s had very many interesting personalities. Western Region had its fair share of such. One of them was a man named Súàrá Sòbó (Sobo pronounced as ‘Sorbor’). He was a prominent transporter who held the transportation industry of the time by its jugular. An Ibadan man of the Òópó ‘Yéosà clan who lived in an area now known as Ring Road, Súàrá Sòbó was wealthy and had a fleet of lorries in his pool. As a trade logo, Súàrá Sòbó’s lorries always had monkeys chained to their entrance, which excited and attracted passengers to them.

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However, his lorries soon acquired a very unflattering typecast. Any passenger who boarded them was literally embarking on a journey that had no certain time or terminal point of disembarkment as the lorry could be arrested for having no particulars, and the inappropriate conduct of the drivers and conductors, which led to road accidents, were legendary. The otherwise pleasurable ride with a monkey on board to marvel at its close resemblance of man could turn awry. It thus became a peculiar refrain in the Western Region to say a man had entered Súàrá Sòbó’s lorry, an equivalent of today’s One Chance lingo among youth. Odolaye Aremu, then Ibadan-based, Ilorin-born dadakúàdà musician, once sang of the untimely passage of Súàrá Sòbó, years after. At a celebration in his house, said Odolaye, Súàrá Sòbó had hosted the crème de la crème of Ibadan, where roast mutton and turkey flesh were feasted upon. People were shocked when, six days later, Súàrá Sòbó’s sudden death was announced to the world.

As I stood up from watching the interview, I shook my head languidly. I was sorry for us. All I saw were 200 million Nigerians sequestered inside the Súàrá Sòbó bus. We must pray that the Herodian spirit which pounced on Olusegun Obasanjo doesn’t repeat its tragic pounce on Mr. President. If it does, Tinubu would have a third term and more, becoming a Hastings Kamuzu Banda at the drop of a hat. And nothing would happen.

One year after for Aketi and Aiyedatiwa

Last Friday was the first anniversary of the passage of Rotimi Akeredolu, ex-Ondo State governor. It was also the first anniversary of his successor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa, in office. We thus must be grateful to Aiyedatiwa for immortalising Akeredolu, famously known as Aketi that same day. Aketi was an ecumenical spirit – borrowing from Wole Soyinka’s burial oration for Chief Bola Ige. Aside from naming a court after Aketi, Aiyedatiwa organised a lecture in the former NBA president’s remembrance.

Stubbornly courageous, Aketi cared not whose ox got gored while he spoke his mind. You could be president or an emperor; Aketi brought out the muck in your eye, in your very before. I once wrote against his government’s stoppage of an ancient traditional festival in Akure, the state capital and asked him why he didn’t do same to the Igogo festival in his Owo country home. He had just lost his mother and I called thereafter to commiserate with him but he used the occasion to spank me. He told me I was talking nonsense and tutored me on what he called the security implication of allowing the festival. Till he died, his sobriquet for me was “Akure l’o kan” – it is the turn of Akure. Not minding him being my elderly friend, I didn’t support his governorship. I supported his opponent who was my kinsman. And he knew. But Aketi was indeed a great man.

Though the people of the state capital believed he preferenced his Owo home in infrastructure more than the state capital and that he disdained Akure and its monarchy, Aketi had some quite ambitious projects earmarked for the capital. Unfortunately, he couldn’t complete them.

When last week, one of Aiyedatiwa’s aides, Kikelomo Isijola, took to the media, on the anniversary of the governor’s first year in office, to commend him for some infrastructural projects she claimed her boss had pulled through, she received barbs severally from people who saw her effort as whitewashing a dirty boulder. Many people hold that, in the last 25 years of democratic governance, Ondo State has been extremely unlucky in the hands of its governors. Except under Olusegun Agagu and Olusegun Mimiko where the state received infrastructural lifting, the state is generally perceived to be backward development-wise. While the state collects one of the hugest federal revenues as an oil-producing state, its capital city is one of the most underdeveloped in the Southwest. Ado-Ekiti, which became capital about three decades ago, is rated far more developed than Akure.

During his swearing-in, Aiyedatiwa promised to complete the projects left by Aketi. One of these is the Oda-Ijoka dualization project in Akure, The uncompleted projects, according to Aiyedatiwa, would receive urgent attention. He specifically mentioned Oba Osupa–Oluwatuyi–Ijoka (Akure) dualisation, completion of Oda dual carriage (Akure), completion of Akure flyover (Onyearugbulem-Shagari-Irese), construction of 15.89km selected roads in Ondo township among many others. A year after, none of them has been completed. Even Isijola claimed the projects are 60% completed, many of them almost six years after. The state football team has been playing its home matches in Ijebu-Ode, Ogun State, due to the infrastructural horror that the state’s stadium is. The internal roads in Akure are in impassable conditions with no modern developmental strides befitting of a state capital in the city.

If it is reckoned that, were Aketi to be alive, his joint ticket with Aiyedatiwa would expire in two months’ time for another government to take over, those projects would automatically have been abandoned projects.

Aiyedatiwa should make the people of Ondo state joyful as he vividly was immediately he heard of the passage of his boss. Office goes beyond the grandeur surrounding it; it entails responsibility and working for the people.

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Opinion

President Tinubu at Three: Advancing skills development, strengthening TVET and building a globally competitive Nigeria

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As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu marks his third year in office, Whitecloud TVET Solutions Limited joins millions of Nigerians in reflecting on the progress made in critical sectors that drive national growth, particularly Technical and Vocational Education and Training (TVET), skills development, and human capital advancement.

Over the past three years, the administration has demonstrated a growing commitment to repositioning skills acquisition as a cornerstone of economic development, youth empowerment, job creation, and national productivity. At a time when nations across the world are investing heavily in human capital, Nigeria has continued to take strategic steps toward equipping its citizens with practical, industry-relevant skills needed to thrive in the modern economy.

One of the most remarkable developments within the nation’s skills ecosystem has been the increasing attention given to Technical and Vocational Education and Training. Through policy reforms, stakeholder engagements, and institutional support, TVET is gradually gaining the recognition it deserves as a vital pathway to employment, entrepreneurship, innovation, and sustainable development.

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Particularly commendable is Nigeria’s growing engagement with WorldSkills International, the global movement dedicated to promoting excellence in vocational, technological, and technical skills. Nigeria’s participation in the WorldSkills community represents a significant milestone in the nation’s journey toward global competitiveness.

Beyond membership, it opens opportunities for Nigerian youths to benchmark their competencies against international standards, participate in global skills competitions, foster innovation, and showcase the immense talent and potential that exists within the country.

WorldSkills serves as a platform where nations prepare their workforce for the future, and Nigeria’s involvement reflects a deliberate commitment to producing a generation of highly skilled professionals capable of competing and excelling on the world stage.

This achievement aligns with the broader vision of creating a workforce that is not only employable but also globally relevant.

We also acknowledge the efforts of the Federal Ministry of Education in driving reforms within the TVET sector. The establishment of strategic committees and frameworks under the leadership of the Federal Ministry of Education under the leadership of the Honourable Minister of Education, Dr Maruf Olatunji Alausa has further strengthened coordination, stakeholder engagement, and implementation of policies aimed at transforming skills development across the country.

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Equally worthy of recognition is the pivotal role being played by the Industrial Training Fund (ITF) under the leadership of its Director-General, Dr. Afiz Oluwatoyin Ogun. Through various initiatives focused on vocational training, apprenticeship development, workforce readiness, and industry-driven capacity building, the ITF has continued to bridge the gap between education and industry while supporting the Federal Government’s vision of building a skilled and productive workforce.

The renewed emphasis on practical skills acquisition, digital competencies, entrepreneurship, and industry partnerships has created new opportunities for young Nigerians to acquire relevant knowledge and become active contributors to the nation’s economic transformation.

As a leading organization committed to skills development and technical education, Whitecloud TVET Solutions Limited recognizes these achievements as important building blocks toward a more prosperous and self-reliant Nigeria. We remain committed to supporting government efforts, collaborating with industry stakeholders, and providing world-class training that equips Nigerians with the competencies required for success in today’s rapidly evolving world.

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As President Bola Ahmed Tinubu celebrates three years of leadership, we congratulate him on the progress recorded in advancing skills development, strengthening technical education, and laying the foundation for a more competitive and economically resilient nation.

We also commend all stakeholders, institutions, development partners, and industry leaders who continue to contribute to the growth of Nigeria’s TVET and skills ecosystem.

Together, we can build a nation where skills drive prosperity, innovation fuels growth, and every Nigerian has the opportunity to realize their full potential.
Congratulations, Mr. President, on three years of purposeful leadership and commitment to national development.

Signed
Mr. Jasper Oluranti Netufo
Chairman/CEO
Whitecloud TVET Solutions Limited

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Opinion

The Shame of Afe Babalola Way: Why Ekiti and Abuja Must Fix This Road Now

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By Sola Ajisafe, Esq

I was at Afe Babalola University, Ado Ekiti, yesterday for an important function. I felt proud of what one man can do, and angry at what government has failed to do.

The Ado/Ijan Road, now known as “Afe Babalola Way,” is an eyesore. It serves a Federal Polytechnic, a world-class private university, the Ekiti Golf Club, an agricultural settlement, and multiple government establishments. Yet neither the Federal Government nor the Ekiti State Government has treated it as a priority. For 16 years since ABUAD was established, this critical corridor has been left to rot. This is not just bad infrastructure. It is ingratitude.

Chief Afe Babalola, SAN, is Ekiti’s most significant living contribution to Nigeria and the world. A local boy who conquered the legal profession and was recognized by leaders, including Queen Elizabeth II. At 97, he has built what no government in Nigeria has matched.

Over the past sixteen years, he has created employment and opportunity on a scale that rivals the state itself. ABUAD currently employs more than 2,500 academic and non-academic staff, with over 5,000 additional support staff working as cleaners, artisans, drivers, farm hands, and others. That employment base has turned the institution into one of the largest private employers in Ekiti.

The university’s impact has not gone unnoticed. It has been ranked No. 1 in Nigeria by Times Higher Education for four consecutive years, 2022 to 2025, No. 3 in Africa, and No. 84 globally on impact ratings. Those rankings reflect not just academic output but the university’s role in advancing healthcare, research, and community development.

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In healthcare, ABUAD operates a Multi-system Hospital ( AMSH) that has become a referral center for the country. The hospital runs an MRI unit, CT-Scanners, Digital X-Ray machines, 17 dialysis machines, and has performed over 400 dialysis procedures. Just two weeks ago, more renal transplants were successfully performed to make a total of 50 renal transplants carried out without complications for donors or recipients in ABUAD. The center also performs cardio-thoracic surgeries and runs an IVF clinic.

Beyond the hospital, Chief Afe Babalola established the Afe Abiye free antenatal program for women in Ekiti State, a model similar to Ondo’s Mother and Child scheme, ensuring that thousands of women receive care without cost. He also established two hospital annexes at Odo Ado( Girigiri) and Basiri all within Ado Ekiti.

His philanthropic contributions to Federal Polytechnic, Ado Ekiti and Ekiti State University coupled with yearly empowerment programmes for Ekiti State farmers, traders, artisans and scholarships for students are monumental.

Where government infrastructure has failed, ABUAD stepped in. The university runs an independent power plant not connected to the national grid, and a private dam that meets the water needs of the university and its farm. It also operates an industrial park with space for 126 factories, and a fully integrated farm that produces vegetables, fruits such as pepper, mangoes, papaya and tomatoes, livestock including birds, fish and other animals, and processed products like flour, cassava, plantain, rice, pepper, and cashew nuts for local consumption and export. The farm even has its own feed mill for livestock, and the institution is involved in recycling to sustain its operations.

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The economic multiplier effect is evident. ABUAD attracts students from all 36 states and the FCT, as well as from countries including the US, China, and across Africa. To further open up the State, Chief Afe Babalola personally contributed N2 billion for landing equipment at the newly established Ekiti Cargo Airport and N450 million for the construction of its current car park.

This is what one man did for Ekiti without waiting for Abuja or Ado Ekiti. He even provided his house as the take-off administrative office for the State university at inception.

And what did Ekiti and the Federal Government do in return? They left the road to his university unmotorable.

Governor Biodun Oyebanji is widely regarded as an Omoluabi. Unlike two of his predecessors, he has publicly shown respect for Chief Afe Babalola, prostrating for him in line with Yoruba ethos. But respect without action is empty. Governor Oyebanji recently delivered a lecture at ABUAD, yet avoided the Ado/Ijan Road entirely and came through the bypass. That tells you everything.

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President Bola Tinubu is an alumnus of ABUAD, having received an honorary doctorate from the university. The Federal Ministry of Works claimed to have awarded the road two years ago, then passed it to FERMA. Since then, silence. Nothing has been done.

So I ask; How does a country honor its heroes while they are alive? The best gift Ekiti State and the Federal Government can give Chief Afe Babalola at almost a century is not another plaque or title. It is to fix the 8.5km road that bears his name so he can drive on it, and so the students, patients, staff, and investors who keep ABUAD running don’t destroy their vehicles and waste their lives in traffic and dust.

Anything short of immediate resumption and completion of work on this road is a dent on Governor Oyebanji and Minister David Umahi. It tells the world that Nigeria celebrates its builders only in speeches, not in deeds.

Ekiti opened its doors to the world because of ABUAD. The least the world can expect in return is a road that works.

Fix Afe Babalola Way. Now. While the man can still see it.

Oloroogun Sola Ajisafe, Lawyer/Journalist. He is from Oka Akoko, lives and practices law in Akure, Ondo State.

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Opinion

Hisbah, Alcohol, VAT: An Unpopular Opinion

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Bamidele Johnson

VAT does not know who drinks what. Every time news breaks of Hisbah, Kano State’s moral police, smashing bottles of beer, millions of people, mostly in the South, erupt in rage.

Band A rage, that is. Most of the anger, I believe, is expressed by people who identify as Christians and who see the Muslim North as bad news.

The comment sections, especially on Facebook, burn hottest. The question that comes up again and again is why should states that ban the consumption of alcohol receive VAT from alcohol? I used to think this was a clever gotcha, but I no longer do. The argument rests on a moral instinct that feels good but dissipates in the face of law, economics, or basic fairness.

The claim is simple. If some states ban alcohol and even use religious agencies to seize or destroy it, they should not benefit from VAT generated from alcohol produced elsewhere. It sounds like justice. It is not. It is fiscal confusion. I do not expect this view to be popular with the permanently enraged.

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VAT is not a prize awarded to states that host certain industries, but a national consumption tax collected by the Federal Government and shared using agreed constitutional formula.

Once collected, the money loses memory of its origin. It stops being alcohol VAT, gambling VAT, pork VAT, nightclub VAT or interest-based banking VAT. It is just VAT.

This debate is often framed as entitlement. If you ban alcohol, you should not “chop” alcohol money. I do not think states with Hisbah and other agencies that convulse at the thought of liquor are taking alcohol money. What they receive are statutory allocations from a common pool to which all parts of the federation contribute in different ways.

No state earns VAT by permission. None. Every state receives VAT by membership; because Nigeria exists as one fiscal unit.

There is also the small matter of selective memory. If moral purity is the standard, alcohol cannot be the only issue. VAT also comes from gambling, interest-based banking, insurance tied to interest and uncertainty, pork-based food items, nightclubs, adult entertainment, lottery and media content that would give religious leaders across faiths fits.

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Southern states do not reject VAT because some of it comes from predatory loans, betting apps, pornography-adjacent entertainment or music and films churches regularly denounce. Moral filtering becomes impossible once the lens widens.

The argument also ignores economic reality. Citizens of states with alcohol aversion and moral police pay VAT outside their states every day. They travel, trade, bank, rent homes, insure assets, borrow money and work across Nigeria.

VAT is paid at the point of consumption, not at that of belief. A trader buying goods in Onitsha or a traveller spending in Lagos pays VAT regardless of what their home state bans. To deny their states a share is to believe that the economy stops at state boundaries.

The noise around Hisbah and smashed beer bottles, while emotionally powerful, is a distraction. Destroying alcohol within a state is an internal regulatory choice that has nothing to do with national revenue sharing.

A state can ban an activity locally without losing access to federal resources generated nationally. There is also an uncomfortable undertone that deserves honesty.

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The Southern position suggests that religious difference should determine fiscal worth and that some Nigerians deserve less because their moral codes are stricter or simply different. Once accepted, that idea does not stop at alcohol. It starts asking who truly belongs and on what moral terms. That is no fiscal argument.

If we believe Nigeria should abandon pooled revenue and adopt strict derivation, the honest path is to argue for full constitutional restructuring and fiscal federalism across all sectors.

It is weak to single out alcohol and gambling as a special moral exception while enjoying the same system everywhere else.

VAT is not a moral endorsement of how other Nigerians live. It is the price of sharing a country. Sharing a country means no group gets to redesign the national revenue framework in the image of its own theology after the money has already been collected.

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