News
THOUGHT PROVOKING: Lasisi Olagunju’s independent critique of Bisi Akande’s controversial book, ‘My Participations’
Published
5 years agoon
By
admin
THE Man who looks history in the face’ is the title Professor Wole Soyinka put on the Foreword. Of course, “the man” here is Bisi Akande, the author of ‘My Participations’, an autobiography that is roiling calm across Nigeria. Soyinka endorses the book and the content in an eleven-page Foreword. The Nobel Laureate says Akande, with the book, looked history in the face. And what is history? A narrative account of real past events (Bill Nasson). We encounter different, competing, even contrasting accounts of the past every day. When we resolve the puzzle and blow the chaff out of the bowl of grains, we get to the truth called history. Now, what does it mean to look someone or something in the face? Collins English Dictionary says it means: “to look at someone directly in order to convince them that what you are saying is true, even though you may be lying.” So, did Akande truly glare at history and make claims seeking history’s validation?
Let us start from the history of this book itself. When was Bisi Akande’s ‘My Participations’ published? If you are surprised that I asked that question, it means you have not seen the Copyright page of the book launched on Thursday, December 9, 2021. On the book’s page ii, there is the claim from the publishers that it was “published in November 2020” and that its “first reprint” was done in “December 2021.” The author himself signed off on the book’s Preface on Thursday, 28th May, 2020 after tracing the book’s history from May 6, 2014, through August 2017 and January 2018 when he said the first draft of 1,200 pages was ready. Now, if the book was truly published a year and a month ago, why are we just hearing of it and who in this world has a copy of that first edition? What this first encounter tells readers is to expect a lot of puzzling claims going forward.
The entire book smells of war; each chapter a battle, or a string of battles, or a continuation of an unfinished battle. Akande says as a child, he loved trouble; as an adult in politics, he fought fellow politicians; as governor, he fought labour activists, he fought the press, he fought traditional rulers (he records and names an oba as having begged for a car and he “secretly” gave him money to buy one; then he abused the king because the latter spoke ill of him). Akande comes across in the book as every inch a warrior. This is hardly surprising given what he records as his possible mission on earth. At least, a chapter speaks on what the author thinks was the reason for his birth: He was told that he was the reincarnation of his warrior great grandfather, a commander during the Yoruba wars of the 19th century. He was shown war relics from his great grandfather, including dresses “decorated with fearsome amulets” which an uncle said were being kept as Akande’s inheritance for his use in future wars. He appears to believe this and it shows in his readiness to fight all wars, including the very unnecessary. He writes: “That created in my mind the impression that I was likely going to end up as a warrior. All these had an effect on me. As a young boy, I was foolhardily bold. Among my peers, I always wanted to be in front in every troublesome exploit…” (page 50).
Akande comes across in the book as an excellent, even dangerous, keeper of private and official records. This shows clearly in the very lucid chapter where he discusses his tempestuous years as governor of Osun State. He quotes dates and time; he cites receipt numbers, claim forms and references other details that would have easily escaped the fingers of anyone who was not preparing for war in times of peace. Akande sensationally put in the book an “Osun State Government General Claim Form Ref. AG/PV2//Dec/94 together with a duly signed Payment Voucher Sub-Receipt dated 21/12/94 by four labour union leaders” as bribe in exchange for peace with the reigning military government (page 293). You encounter such lurid accounts from page to page until his ship hits the harbour. He justifies the mass sack of Osun State civil servants and teachers. He says his government “discovered that instead of 23,000, only 12,000 public servants were needed for the efficient service of Osun State” (page 308), and that the state “needed 4,468 teachers” for its 303 secondary schools “as against 7,257 on the payroll…” (page 309). His accounts of how and why he sacked hundreds of workers and fought the labour force in the state will almost make even victims of his policies to tell him sorry. Then he waxes lyrical and concludes that chapter with a strange claim that as he “began to trim the main civil service” and reduced the agencies of government from 43 to 34, “there were loud complaints and labour uproar but there was a big relief…And there came labour peace from then on during my tenure.”
This claim of peace is not true. The truth that is recorded in history is that all Osun State workers were on strike in the last four months of Akande’s government. He lost his re-election to that crisis and associated ones.
Adipolo
Adipolo
If Akande is at his very best element in robustly discussing his town and family histories (page 23 – 54), and defending the policies of his government (page 287-311), his adjectival allusions and direct word choices on politics and politicians make his objectivity suspect. His description of persons and events are positive or negative depending on how close the objects are to him. I read some pages and shivered; I felt he wantonly fed his enemies to the lions of rhetorical banditry. Chief Ayo Adebanjo’s case is the locus classicus here. The old man has made a very strong rebuttal complete with a challenge to Akande. The warrior from Ila Orangun has not responded.
Respect for truth is an inviolable rule if you are writing history. In fiction, you can invert truth and rearrange facts to suit your purpose; but what did not happen in the past cannot be the history of that past. Akande writes on page 220 that on a Saturday morning in August, 1988, the Awolowo political family met in Ikenne, in Awo’s Efunyela Hall. He then insinuates that a power tussle ensued there. Akande writes: “Mrs Awolowo was getting ready to preside and was seated in the chairperson’s seat when Papa Ajasin came in. Papa Ajasin confronted her. ‘You have to leave that chair,’ he told her. ‘That is my chair!’” Akande adds that “Mama had to leave the chair for Ajasin…” A professor friend who is well grounded in Awolowo/Afenifere matters discussed this part of the book with me. He was (and is) sufficiently close to all key participants at that meeting and was sure that what Akande described did not happen. He then asked me: “Read that quotation credited to Pa Ajasin again. Does that sound like what the Ajasin we all knew could say?” I said No. Papa Ajasin had decorum; he wouldn’t utter those words, not even in his own house.
There is a storm too on the history and status of Afenifere. Akande writes on page 223 that “From all records, Awolowo never founded Afenifere as a cultural organization in his lifetime. Afenifere was formed as a cultural organization in Chief Bola Ige’s Bodija home in Ibadan in 1993…” Chief Akande may need to explain what he meant by “Afenifere as a cultural organization.” No one, now or in the past, has ever described Afenifere as “a cultural organization.” In the media, its popular description is ‘socio-political organization.’ There was a political party called the Action Group founded by Chief Obafemi Awolowo in 1951. On the party’s membership card, in the West, its name was written as ‘Egbe Afenifere’ with ‘Action Group’ in parenthesis. It was with that name the AG played its politics, contested elections, won and ruled the West till sometime in 1962 when the scissors of feudal powers shredded its unity. But it did not really die until the military came and killed democracy with the political parties. Now, if that political organization founded by Awolowo in 1951 was ‘revived’ in 1993 and it adopted its old Yoruba sobriquet of Afenifere, would it be right for Akande to say the new host was the author and finisher of that undying group simply because the revival event held in his house?
Akande’s account of the politics of the All Progressives Congress, its 2015 victory and its principal actors is interesting to read. He says his party in 2015 trounced the then ruling party by dominating “the political space with unseen political propaganda” (page 485). He has great words for the leaders of the party. Buhari, according to Akande (page 496), is “a soldier of steely resolve and profound patriotism.” On Bola Tinubu, Akande says that the former Lagos governor is a man of great wit who has refused to give up on him. “He always makes me feel resolutely pampered…” (page 421). The book is a treasure trove of information on the APC and its politics. Strangely, I cannot see in the 559-page book a chapter, or even a paragraph, on the performance of the APC federal government. Maybe I missed it while reading.
Soyinka, in the Foreword, says that history “is a product of disciplined research” which “involves seeking primary sources, which are the closest handmaidens to Truth.” When witnesses to an event, or participants in it, create documents and other materials to guide further recollection of what happened, they are said to be creators of primary sources of history. The strength of these sources, however, lies in how impassioned the creators were while moulding them. The tragedy is that when politicians and other people of power write history, they front-load their interest into its existence and that often pollutes the air around the creation. Here, again, Soyinka’s words in the Foreword are useful. He says that “power hates truth” and that “power engages in image-making, image burnishing, credit hustling, (and) indeed, image fabrication…” That is a shot which could hit anyone, including Akande himself, his friends and his foes because all politicians do what Soyinka states here. Fortunately, our history is never what John Burrow, in his ‘History of Histories’, describes as “a single grand narrative with the present as its terminus.” History itself has proven from Herodotus to now that its frontier is a perpetually shifting horizon. The more we move forward, the newer and bluer the skies we see. The usefulness of Akande’s ‘My Participations’ is already seen in the various versions of history coming out to challenge his narrative. Without the old man’s effort, other emerging accounts would have remained idly latent with our history being the poorer for it.
Life is a narrative with plot strands that are eventually harnessed and resolved one way or the other. Life’s denouement is death. Akande’s book mirrors life and its linear plot structure. It opens with tales of Akande’s birth and his tentative steps as a child; it ends with the mournful account of his wife’s death and burial with a grieving gathering of friends and foes. Despite its shortcomings, ‘My Participations’ is a complete book, a valuable addition to the lengthening list of chronicles of how we arrived at today’s dankness.
CULLED FROM TRIBUNE
News
Why I rejected Al Jazeera’s apology over controversial interview — Daniel Bwala
Published
8 hours agoon
July 9, 2026By
admin
The special adviser to President Bola Tinubu on policy communication, Daniel Bwala, has said that he received a private apology over his controversial interview on Al Jazeera.
Bwala, speaking when he featured on an episode of The Morayo Show published on Wednesday, said the network admitted it should have informed him beforehand that his credibility and past comments about President Bola Tinubu would form part of the interview.
He said he rejected the private apology and insisted it should be made public, adding that the matter is now before a court in England.
“They apologised to me privately. I said they should put it on social media. They said they would not because it would affect their credibility, because it’s not just them, but their mother programs at the Al Jazeera Network,” Bwala said.
It would be recalled that Bwala appeared on Head to Head hosted by Mehdi Hasan in March. During the interview, Hasan confronted him with old quotes, video clips and statements from his time as spokesperson for Atiku Abubakar’s presidential campaign.
The interviewer repeatedly referenced Bwala’s past criticisms of Tinubu, prompting the presidential aide to deny several of the statements.
“I never said that,” Bwala responded to many of Hasan’s questions.
Clips from the interview later went viral on social media, generating widespread reactions.
When asked by Morayo Afolabi-Brown, the host of the show, if he had taken any steps to reclaim his credibility, Bwala said he had instructed his lawyers in England to institute legal proceedings.
According to him, the broadcaster acknowledged that, under its ethical guidelines, it should have disclosed in advance that his past criticisms of Tinubu and his decision to later support the president would be scrutinised.
“The element of the apology was that they should have told me they were going to interrogate my credibility by asking why I now support someone I previously criticised. By their ethics, they admitted they ought to have told me, and they were sorry they did not,” he said.
“…because I called a number of media analysts, including Piers Morgan, whom I contacted through a third party, and confirmed that what they did was wrong.”
Bwala also accused Hasan of editing the pre-recorded interview in a way that misrepresented his responses.
He claimed the opening portion of the interview, in which he said he had warned Hasan that he would deny further questions about his past remarks because they were outside the agreed scope of the interview, was removed from the final broadcast.
“He took away the opening remark where I told him that I had indeed made those comments against Asiwaju and even said worse things, but that was not what I was invited to discuss. I told him that if he continued on that line of questioning, I would deny them. He removed that part,” Bwala said.
He argued that the editing created the impression that he was simply denying his previous statements without context.
Bwala said his legal advisers in England believe the broadcast amounts to defamation.
“The case is currently in court. We’re waiting for the verdict because my advisers in England said it is a case of defamation of character,” he said.
Responding to a question from the audience about what the Federal Government was doing to address the rising rate of emigration, popularly known as japa, Bwala said that some Nigerians who believe they are struggling financially are better off than many of their counterparts who migrated to the United Kingdom in search of better opportunities.
He claimed that many highly educated Nigerians in the UK work in care homes despite holding university degrees, adding that the cost of living leaves them with little disposable income.
According to him, some Nigerians with first-class degrees and postgraduate qualifications are employed as care workers, a job he described as “modern-day slavery”.
“Some of you in Nigeria who think you are suffering are better off than your colleagues that japa five years ago,” Bwala said.
“A Nigerian who finished with a first class or second class degree, and even adds another degree in the UK, many of them work in care homes. As far as I am concerned, it is modern-day slavery.
“On average, they earn about £2,600 or £2,800 a month, but almost all of it goes to rent, electricity, internet, television and other bills. By the time you add feeding and other expenses, there is very little left. That is why many of them are forced to do two or three jobs.”
Bwala compared their situation with that of a Nigerian earning ₦60,000 monthly, arguing that despite the lower income, such a person may have stronger family and community support and face lower living costs.
“I will compare that person with a Nigerian here earning ₦60,000. I’m just giving an example. That person may have relatives or friends who can lend or support them. Also, what we pay for electricity and some social services here is almost nothing compared to what people pay there,” he said.
Bwala acknowledged that Nigerians living abroad may enjoy better infrastructure and access to healthcare but argued that many still struggle to own assets because of the high cost of living.
“Your challenge here may be that you don’t have enough money to build a house or buy a car. That other person may not even own a car or be able to buy one in the next 20 years. Although they have better infrastructure and access to healthcare, they are not necessarily better off financially,” he said.
News
Photos: US to deport 124 Nigerians listed on ‘worst-of-the-worst’ criminal register
Published
20 hours agoon
July 9, 2026By
admin
The United States’ Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has announced an updated deportation list featuring 124 Nigerians.
This was disclosed in a statement on the website of the DHS on Wednesday.
According to the DHS, these individuals have been placed on what it described as its “worst-of-the-worst” criminal register.
While the names and photos have been made public, the timeline for deportations remains undisclosed.
However, the US immigration authorities explained that the deportations are part of ongoing immigration enforcement, stressing that those listed were convicted of serious crimes, but declined to provide details about the offences or when deportations would take place.
The statement read, “The U.S. Department of Homeland Security is highlighting the worst of worst criminal aliens arrested by the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).
“Under DHS leadership, the hardworking men and women of DHS and ICE are fulfilling President Trump’s promise and carrying out mass deportations – starting with the worst of the worst – including the illegal aliens you see here.”
The website then listed, “Sunday Adediora, Sunday Kunkushi, Mkpouto Etukudoh, Marcus Unigwe, Olaniyi Ojikutu, Boluwaji Akingunsoye, Ejike Asiegbunam, Emmanuel Mayegun Adeola, Bamidele Bolatiwa, Ifeanyi Nwaozomudoh, Aderemi Akefe, Solomon Wilfred, Chibundu Anuebunwa, Joshua Ineh, Usman Momoh, Oluwole Odunowo, Bolarinwa Salau, Oriyomi Aloba.”
Others are Oludayo Adeagbo, Olaniyi Akintuyi, Talatu Dada, Olatunde Oladinni, Jelili Qudus, Abayomi Daramola, Toluwani Adebakin, Olamide Jolayemi, Isaiah Okere, Benji Macaulay, Joseph Ogbara, Olusegun Martins, Kingsley Ariegwe, Olugbenga Abass, Oyewole Balogun, Adeyinka Ademokunla, Christian Ogunghide, Christopher Ojuma, Olamide Adedipe, Patrick Onogwu, Olajide Olateru-Olagbegi and Omotayo Akinto.
“Kenneth Unanka, Jeremiah Ehis, Oluwafemi Orimolade, Ayibatonye Bienzigha, Uche Diuno, Akinwale Adaramaja, Boluwatife Afolabi, Chinonso Ochie, Olayinka A. Jones, Theophilus Anwana, Aishatu Umaru, Henry Idiagbonya, Okechukwu Okoronkwo, Daro Kosin, Sakiru Ambali, Kamaludeen Giwa, Cyril Odogwu, Ifeanyi Echigeme, Kingsley Ibhadore, Suraj Tairu, Peter Equere, Dasola Abdulraheem, Adewale Aladekoba and Akeem Adeleke.
“Bernard Ogie Oretekor, Abiemwense Obanor, Olufemi Olufisayo Olutiola, Chukwuemeka Okorie, Abimbola Esan, Elizabeth Miller, Chima Orji, Adetunji Olofinlade, Abdul Akinsanya, Elizabeth Adeshewo, Dennis Ofuoma, Quazeem Adeyinka, Ifeanyi Okoro, Oluwaseun Kassim, Olumide Bankole Morakinyo, Abraham Ola Osoko, Oluchi Jennifer and Chibuzo Nwaonu.”
The latest action is part of the sweeping immigration enforcement measures introduced by the administration of US President Donald Trump after his return to office on January 20, 2025.
On his first day back in office, Trump signed a series of executive orders declaring illegal immigration a national emergency and directing federal agencies to intensify border security and accelerate the removal of undocumented migrants.
One of the orders, titled Protecting the American People Against Invasion, instructed immigration authorities to prioritise the arrest and deportation of removable migrants, particularly those considered threats to public safety and national security.
Defending the policy, the DHS said the administration was delivering on Trump’s campaign promise to carry out mass deportations, beginning with what it described as the “worst of the worst” criminal offenders.
The department said officers of the US Immigration and Customs Enforcement had been directed to intensify operations nationwide against non-citizens convicted of serious crimes.
White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt has also defended the crackdown, saying the administration remained committed to enforcing immigration laws and removing undocumented immigrants with criminal records in line with President Trump’s immigration agenda.
Official US immigration data indicate that Guatemala has recorded the highest number of deportees since the renewed crackdown began, followed by Honduras, Mexico and El Salvador, reflecting the administration’s focus on migrants from Latin America.
The US has also expanded deportation flights to countries across Africa, Asia and the Caribbean as enforcement operations continue.
Nigeria has also come under increased scrutiny by the Trump administration. In June, Washington imposed partial visa restrictions on Nigerian citizens, citing concerns over identity management, information sharing, visa overstay rates and security screening.
News
Six ISWAP fighters surrender to troops in Borno
Published
22 hours agoon
July 9, 2026By
admin
Six suspected fighters of the Islamic State West Africa Province, alongside their family members, have surrendered to troops of the 192 Battalion, Sector 1, Operation Hadin Kai, in Gwoza Local Government Area of Borno State.
The Acting Military Information Officer, Headquarters North-East Joint Task Force, Operation Hadin Kai, Lt. Col. Mohammed Goni, who disclosed this in a statement on Thursday, said preliminary investigations revealed that the group fled from the Guduf Bubayagwa and Chikide terrorist enclaves in the Mandara Mountains of Gwoza LGA.
The statement read, “The Joint Task Force North East, Operation HADIN KAI (OPHK), has continued to sustain its operational momentum across the North-East Theatre, recording another series of significant successes through relentless search-and-rescue operations, intelligence-led missions and coordinated security efforts aimed at denying terrorist groups freedom of action.”
In Askira/Uba Local Government Area, Goni said troops of the 115 Task Force Battalion, on July 7, 2026, while conducting ongoing search-and-rescue operations, successfully rescued two additional abductees from a terrorist hideout.
“During the operation, troops recovered cash totalling One Million, Two Hundred Thousand Naira (N1.2m), suspected to be proceeds of criminal activities, as well as food items and other logistics believed to have supported terrorist operations,” he said.
He added that the rescued victims had been evacuated to a secure location, where they were receiving medical care and psychosocial support.
“Additionally, six suspected ISWAP terrorists, alongside their families, surrendered to troops of the 192 Battalion (Main), Sector 1, OPHK. Preliminary investigations revealed that the families escaped from the Guduf Bubayagwa and Chikide terrorist enclaves in the Mandara Mountains, Gwoza LGA.
“Items recovered from the terrorists and their families include the cumulative sum of One Million, Five Hundred and Forty-One Thousand, Five Hundred Naira (N1,541,500), two Tecno mobile phones and other items,” he stated.
The army spokesman also said troops apprehended a suspected Boko Haram/ISWAP logistics supplier at the Molai checkpoint while in possession of large quantities of medical supplies without the required clearance.
“The suspect and the items are in custody for further interrogation,” he said.
During the same period, Goni said troops of Operation Hadin Kai deployed at the Forward Operating Base, Logomani, in Ngala Local Government Area of Borno State, under Sector 1, successfully repelled a coordinated attack by ISWAP terrorists.
“Although the insurgents briefly breached a section of the base’s defensive perimeter during the intense firefight, the troops rapidly regrouped, mounted a determined counter-offensive and decisively repelled the attackers, inflicting significant casualties and forcing the surviving terrorists to flee with varying degrees of gunshot wounds.
“Regrettably, one gallant soldier paid the supreme price, while two gun trucks and some combat enablers were damaged during the engagement,” he said.
According to him, the situation at FOB Logomani remains firmly under the control of Operation Hadin Kai troops, with reinforcements deployed, exploitation operations ongoing and additional measures being implemented to strengthen the base’s defensive capability.
In another operation, Goni said troops of the 232 Battalion, acting on credible intelligence, arrested a notorious criminal in Gombi Local Government Area of Adamawa State.
He added that follow-up operations led to the recovery of one AK-47 rifle, two magazines and 28 rounds of 7.62mm special ammunition.
“The suspect and recovered items are currently in military custody, while further investigations are underway to identify and apprehend other members of the criminal network,” he said.
Meanwhile, troops of the 149 Battalion also arrested two suspected terrorist logistics suppliers in Mobbar Local Government Area of Borno State.
Recovered items included cash, a Volkswagen Golf car, construction materials, household items and other supplies suspected to have been destined for terrorist elements.
“The suspects are currently undergoing interrogation, while the recovered items remain in military custody as investigations continue,” he added.
As part of ongoing offensive operations, Goni said troops of the 24 Task Force Brigade, in conjunction with members of the Civilian Joint Task Force, carried out a clearance operation on known terrorist enclaves around Wulgo.
“During the operation, troops exploited the terrorists’ hasty withdrawal and recovered a sack containing assorted illicit drugs abandoned by the fleeing insurgents,” he said.
He noted that the recovery further demonstrated the sustained pressure being mounted on terrorist groups, disrupting their operations and denying them freedom of movement.
In Sector 2, troops of the 233 Tank Battalion, in conjunction with hunters, intercepted and arrested a suspected Boko Haram/ISWAP logistics supplier from Ngirya village in Tarmuwa Local Government Area with five motorcycle tyres.
“The suspect and the items are in military custody for investigation,” he added.
According to Goni, the latest operational gains underscore the effectiveness of sustained offensive operations, actionable intelligence and collaboration among security agencies and auxiliary forces in dismantling terrorist logistics networks, disrupting criminal activities and protecting vulnerable communities across the North-East.
“Headquarters Operation HADIN KAI assures the public that ongoing search-and-rescue operations will continue with unwavering resolve until every abducted person is accounted for and safely reunited with their families,” he said.
He also warned individuals supplying food, fuel, construction materials, transportation or any other form of logistics to terrorist groups to desist immediately.
“Anyone found aiding, abetting or collaborating with terrorist elements, directly or indirectly, will be identified, apprehended and prosecuted in accordance with the law,” the statement added.
Trending News
-
News4 years agoInsecurity: Buhari presides over National Security Council meeting (Photos)
-
Privacy5 years agoSelf-imposed Oba vacates ‘palace’ after warnings by community
-
News5 years agoNollywood Actress Nkechi Blessing speaks on plastic surgery, big butts
-
Entertainment4 years agoDJ Dimple Nipple dropped by longtime boyfriend after claiming D’Prince allegedly demanded sex for roles
-
News5 years agoPlus size rocks: Ghanaian plus size dancer who can’t travel by air because of her size
-
Opinion5 years agoLeave our community, Imobi orders self-imposed Oba
-
News5 years agoHow CCTV ’caught’ Baba Ijesha molesting minor
-
Sports4 years agoMeet Ashleigh Plumptre, the ‘Oyinbo’ member of Nigeria Super Falcons [Video]
